The strategic challenge of MAVI VATAN (Blue Homeland) for Greece.

The strategic challenge of MAVI VATAN (Blue Homeland) for Greece.

 

The Blue Homeland (MAVI VATAN) of the Islamists Erdogan and the AKP (Justice and

Development Party) is a strategic challenge for Greece.

 

The Turkish MAVI VATAN theorem incorporates all the "classic" 
Turkish disputes thus reaching its limits: that of the Greek 
continental shelf, in a view as a given consequence of the 
blackmail with regard to the casus belli (decision of the 
Great - Turkey is traditionally magnified with Kemal .. or with 
- Mohammed alike - Turkish National Assembly on 8 June 1995) 
of not extending the coastal zone and its extension beyond the 
six miles, although Greece explicitly adheres to this agreement 
and refrains from expanding into the Aegean proving to be a 
peaceful force of responsibility and stability; the "declared" 
search and rescue zone that ostentatiously verbally "claims" 
east of the 25th parallel ("consequence" of the "claim" of the  
continental shelf and lack of EEZ for the islands), the extreme 
aggressive revisionism of the creation of “gray zones” (not only 
in the Aegean; see also Crete – Gavdos island).
 
But MAVI VATAN, in addition to the "Aegean-centered" challenge 
to the sovereignty and sovereign rights of Greece, adds the 
complete challenge to Greek sovereign rights in the Eastern 
Mediterranean (zeroing the EEZ of the Greek islands and 
preventing the right of expansion of the Aegean which 
supposedly unites the Turkish with the Libyan EEZ). 
It attempts to limit the Greek Exclusive Economic Zone 
(EEZ) in the Eastern Mediterranean to a small part of 
the southwest (!), questioning its ability to communicate 
with the EEZs of all other countries in the region (cutting 
Greece off essentially from the Eastern Mediterranean).
In other words, this is an openly aggressive dogma, an 
expression of extreme maximalism based on the extortion of a
 hot “incident” or an extended war.
In the face of this strategic challenge, Greece - in principle - 
should  be on full and direct vigilance, diplomatic and military 
and conduct continuous analysis and monitoring of Turkish 
movements, in order to deal with and prevent its aggressive 
revisionist plans in a timely manner. It should be noted that, 
after the failed coup of 2016, the last pro-Western networks 
in the country were neutralized, weakening the possibilities of
 any substantial Western influence and substantial deterrence 
of the maximalist anti-Western and anti-Greek Islamo-Turkish 
strategy.
However, the Greek side was content with the assurances of the 
Libyan Foreign Minister that they will not sign a Turkish-Libyan 
EEZ delimitation agreement, despite Saraj's travels to Istanbul 
and the growing expansion of relations at all levels of Turkey 
with the "Provisional Government of the National) of Saraj. 
Furthermore, Greece did not properly assess Turkey's ability to 
change on the grounds of the hasty situation the GNA was facing.
The limitation  of retaliation on the weak side of Libya (removal
 of the Libyan ambassador), the lack of will to have an equivalent
 effect on the strategic challenge of the Turkish-Libyan 
memorandum was a source of wrong messages send.
The message soon received from international actors in the Eastern
 Mediterranean has led to or facilitated or endangered dangerous 
relocations of partners, even those who have the psychological 
preference to work with us (Greece) instead of Turkey.
The hasty agreements with Italy and Egypt, with Greece making 
concessions of fishing rights within the Greek EEZ vis-a -vis 
Italy, reducing its demands for a full EEZ of the islands - even 
in the case of Crete the largest in size of the Greek islands- ,
 the inability to convince the organizing EU partner Germany to 
participate in the Berlin Conference on Libya and the absence of 
the country in Libyas developments (until the recent pro-Turkish 
also formed with complaints-financing new Government), the 
“cruises” of “Oruch Reyes” and “Cesme”  in the Aegean etc., do not
 seem to have provided sufficient treatment.
The lack of understanding or acceptance of the reality of the 
strategic challenge that the Turko-Libyan memorandum constitutes 
for the country (by government and opposition alike) leads to the
 consequent inability to explain to enemies and friends, in its
 true dimensions, the importance of the Turko-Libyan Memorandum
 wich applies the MAVI VATAN Turkish dogma in the Eastern 
Mediterranean), an essential element of a successful diplomatic
 strategy.
 
It is also necessary to explain to our allies the structural 
anti-Westernism of the Islamic regime in Turkey. A reminder that 
Turkish Islamism is a stream of thought that answers the question
 of how Turkey can reverse its relationship of dependence and 
domination on the West is required.
The Turkish Islamic plan politically facilitated the process of 
democratization of Turkey by introducing multi-party system in 
the country and financially by the clever exploitation of 
neoliberalism to connect the (Islamic) capital of the East 
(Anatoli) with the international financial system and thus, 
obtain the necessary funds to grow.
The irony of the matter is that both developments (political and 
economic) that made possible the predominance of Turkish Islam 
were promoted or rather, applauded by the West!
Dionisis Pantis,

Lawyer at the Supreme Court, 

Εμείς και οι συνεργάτες μας αποθηκεύουμε ή/και έχουμε πρόσβαση σε πληροφορίες σε μια συσκευή, όπως cookies και επεξεργαζόμαστε προσωπικά δεδομένα, όπως μοναδικά αναγνωριστικά και τυπικές πληροφορίες που αποστέλλονται από μια συσκευή για εξατομικευμένες διαφημίσεις και περιεχόμενο, μέτρηση διαφημίσεων και περιεχομένου, καθώς και απόψεις του κοινού για την ανάπτυξη και βελτίωση προϊόντων.

Με την άδειά σας, εμείς και οι συνεργάτες μας ενδέχεται να χρησιμοποιήσουμε ακριβή δεδομένα γεωγραφικής τοποθεσίας και ταυτοποίησης μέσω σάρωσης συσκευών. Μπορείτε να κάνετε κλικ για να συναινέσετε στην επεξεργασία από εμάς και τους συνεργάτες μας όπως περιγράφεται παραπάνω. Εναλλακτικά, μπορείτε να κάνετε κλικ για να αρνηθείτε να συναινέσετε ή να αποκτήσετε πρόσβαση σε πιο λεπτομερείς πληροφορίες και να αλλάξετε τις προτιμήσεις σας πριν συναινέσετε. Λάβετε υπόψη ότι κάποια επεξεργασία των προσωπικών σας δεδομένων ενδέχεται να μην απαιτεί τη συγκατάθεσή σας, αλλά έχετε το δικαίωμα να αρνηθείτε αυτήν την επεξεργασία. Οι προτιμήσεις σας θα ισχύουν μόνο για αυτόν τον ιστότοπο. Μπορείτε πάντα να αλλάξετε τις προτιμήσεις σας επιστρέφοντας σε αυτόν τον ιστότοπο ή επισκεπτόμενοι την πολιτική απορρήτου μας.

 

 

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